24 petitions

Update posted 4 months ago

Petition to Mike Morris, Donald Loppnow, Steven Cole, Maya Rich, Kiera Fegan, Vicki Reaume, Rick Snyder, Amanda M. Edmonds, John C. Austin, Mrs. Marilyn Schneider, Dr. Casandra E. Ulbrich, Mr. Brian J. Whiston, Mrs. Eileen Weiser

The dismissal of Armenian Genocide denier, Mehmet Erdem Yaya, as Associate Professor

For 101 years pressure from the Turkish government has suppressed the recognition of the Armenian Genocide.  The Armenian Genocide occurred from April 24th 1915 - 1923.  During this time 1,500,000 Armenians were slaughtered at the hands of the Ottoman Turks.  We were not the only people to suffer this fate. Greeks (750,000), and Assyrians (300,000).  Kurds were also slaughtered by the Young Turks.  These numbers do not include the women and children that were taken and forcefully converted to Islam with subsequent imprisonment into harems, tattooing their hands and faces to further the torment.  These numbers also do not include those of the Hamidian Massacres in which 200,000 - 300,000 Armenians were murdered, again by the Turkish government.    In the United States of America, 44 out of 50 states recognize the Armenian Genocide, including the State of Michigan.  Even though the state formally recognizes the Armenian Genocide, our public universities are employing professors that openly deny the Armenian Genocide.  In particular, the Associate Professor of Economics at Eastern Michigan University - Mehmet Erdem Yaya.  He, along with TACAM (The Turkish American Cultural Association of Michigan), are fighting to block H.B. 4493 - a bill requiring the Armenian Genocide to be taught in Michigan public schools.  This bill would further educate the population on the horrors my people faced at the hands of the Turkish government, in the hope that one day our slaughter will find justice and our tears won't be ignored.  And, that maybe one day, our nation will do what's right and formally recognize the Armenian Genocide.   I call on Eastern Michigan University to dismiss Associate Professor of Economics Mehmet Erdem Yaya from his position.  Our youth should not be taught by a person who refutes historical fact and denies the genocide of millions of people.  If you agree, please sign this petition.

Shant Kirmizian
3,934 supporters
Update posted 5 months ago

Petition to The World Court

Stop Crimes Against Humanity & Human Rights Violations by the North Dakota Governor

Stop the Crimes Against Humanity & Human Rights Abuses Against “Peaceful Water Protectors” by the North Dakota Governor & the Morton County Sheriff's Department “The power of the Universal Declaration is the power of ideas to change the world. It inspires us to continue working to ensure that all people can gain freedom, equality and dignity. One vital aspect of this task is to empower people to demand what should be guaranteed: their human rights." ~ Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein - UN High Commissioner for Human Rights We the undersigned respectfully ask the following bodies; The International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands (The World Court), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to investigate documented Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes, and Human Rights Violations by the following individuals and government entities; Specific Human Rights Violators: North Dakota Governor, Doug Burgum Former North Dakota Governor, Jack Dalrymple North Dakota Morton County Sheriff, Kyle Kirchmeier "Crimes against humanity are certain acts that are deliberately committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population or an identifiable part of a population. The first prosecution for crimes against humanity took place at the Nuremberg trials. Crimes against humanity have since been prosecuted by other international courts – such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Court, as well as in domestic prosecutions. The law of crimes against humanity has primarily developed through the evolution of customary international law. Crimes against humanity are not codified in an international convention, although there is currently an international effort to establish such a treaty, led by the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative. Unlike war crimes, crimes against humanity can be committed during peace or war. They are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority. Murder, massacres, dehumanization, extermination, human experimentation, extrajudicial punishments, death squads, forced disappearances, military use of children, kidnappings, unjust imprisonment, slavery, cannibalism, torture, rape, and political or racial repression may reach the threshold of crimes against humanity if they are part of a widespread or systematic practice." Violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Article 5 No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 7 All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8 Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law. Article 9 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. Article 12 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honor and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks. Article 13 Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State. Article 18 Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. Article 19 Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Article 20 Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. Article 28 Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. Article 30 Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein. Resources: Amnesty International          Human Rights Watch           Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Human Rights Action Center Children’s Defense Fund      National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)  

Patrick Doyle
73 supporters
Update posted 5 months ago

Petition to Ban Ki-Moon(Secretary-General of the United Nations, President of the United States, Justin Trudeau, François Hollande, UK Parliament, Theresa May MP, Pope Francis, U.S. House of Representatives, Jose Maria Vasconcelos, Human Rights Campaign, Paul Ryan, Nancy Pelosi, Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, European Commission, Council of the European Union

Complete decolonization in Africa: Self determination for Anglophone Cameroonians

Co-sponsors: Mr. Azeh Muma, Dr. Fongong Achu Mofor & Mr. Jude Ozughen. A strike action fomented by teachers and lawyers in the North-West and South-West Regions of Cameroon paralyzed these regions in late November 2016. Resort to corporate action followed the failure of the regime to respond to their legitimate grievances. The popular resonance of grievances as well as their actions in these two Anglophone regions provided the with the comfort of morality and engendered the spread if civil disobedience. Enigmatically, the regime also under the purported cover of the law unleashed the forces of state violence on the people. As the violence metastasized, the US State Department on November 18, 2016 issued a travel advisory to all Americans intending on visiting these two regions. https://yaounde.usembassygov/m-11182016 html. Presently, peace properly defined as the presence of justice continues to elude these two regions that are heavily militarized. It is against this backdrop that we write to you, buoyed by Martin Luther King’s conviction that is also intrinsic to America’s credo that “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”. Yes, Anglophones in this predominantly Francophone country, that unlike Canada is only nominally bilingual, have historically suffered from marginalization and are now on the cusp of cultural annihilation. Thus, the prescience of the observation of the US Representative to the United Nations, Clement J. Zablioski, in 1959 that: “the results of a hurried choice imposed on the population of the Trust Territory (British Cameroons) would be catastrophic for their political future.” Political redress is possible, ergo our commitment to the force of argument rather than the argument of force as reiterated at the All Anglophone Conference in Buea https:// SouthernCameroons. Despite the odds, taunting and disinformation identifying our struggle with that of Boko Haram, we have stayed the course. Our resolve is unshaken and not even the sands of time shall cover over it. Our claims for justice benefit not only from the cover of the law but the comfort of morality as agreements entered into at the Foumban Conference in the wake of the 1961 plebiscite either suffered from a premature death or have since been emasculated (Piet Konings on the Anglophone Problem - Bing). We have sought justice from the African Court of Human Rights that recognized us as a distinct peoples from Francophone Cameroonians communications/ decision/266.03/. The Cameroonian government lacks the requisite political will to engage in dialog with the Anglophone for a peaceful resolution of this problem as recommended by this Court. Rather, it has denied Anglophone their sociological specificity as recognized by the eminent jurists at Banjul. It banalizes our problem by equating it to a cry for just desserts and therefore analogous to that of the other regions in Cameroon. In short, they are in denial, not to say dissembling.This denial is underscored by the justification that its reaction to Anglophone demands/popular uprising is predicated on the rule of law. We do not deny the right of any state to monopoly control over the use of legitimate force. But in this instance, the regime is conflating two distinct concepts - rule of law v rule by law. We submit that the reaction of the two Francophone regimes that have led this state since its accession to independence in 1960 to Anglophone demands instances the rule by law, a trademark of authoritarian states. For a government so committed to the rule of law, we wonder Why did it fail to implement the Foumban Accord that was supposed to be the basis of a new social compact? Maybe, because we were perceived as “a small gift from the Queen of England”? No wonder, Ahidjo saw us simply as political pawns(US State Department, Intelligence Report, 8423, 10 March 1961). Innocent sheep, we were led from the founding moment and with the international community unwittingly and unsuspiciously aiding and abetting as sheep to the slaughter as aptly captured Mola Njoh Litumbe watch? =IAtZk-aMS_k• Why did Ahidjo unilaterally decide to change the name of the country in 1972 from the Federal Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of Cameroon following a so called referendum that a French specialist on Cameroon has referred to as ‘referendum au forceps’, i.e. the sledgehammer referendum? The scars sustained by several Anglophones who objected to this coup de force are still fresh and cannot constitute the basis of a conscious forgetting that is sine qua non for nation building.• And why did Paul Biya decide to change the name of the country by a simple decree in 1984 from the United Republic of Cameroon to the Republic of Cameroon. How can one man, even if he be President, arrogate to himself powers to determine the fate of the people? Yes, they would say that this was done with the approval of the Parliament. But we also know that the Parliament in Saddam Hussein's Iraq also rejected the UN Inspection regime Resolution! Have the member's of this far from august house not be known to say that they owe the allegiance to the President? We should underline that Francophone Cameroon acceded to independence in 1960 as the Republic of Cameroon. So did the change in 1984 symbolize a return to the original condition and by that very fact a celebration of the final erasure of the Anglophone who acceded to independence in 1961 by joining the Republic of Cameroon? With the efficacy of these political metamorphosis doubtful, the final solution required the cultural extermination of Anglophones, i.e., anything suggestive of British rule and its legacy. The approach was deliberate and designed to contribute to the infantilization of the Anglophones. Names of towns were changed - Victoria under the guise of a search for authenticity or the pristine condition became Limbe and Francophone administrators who for all intents and purposes were/are proconsuls flood(ed) the various administrative units in Anglophone Cameroon.• Despite the lip service to bilingualism, the regime systematically dismantled the Anglophone system of education. Examplars of Anglophone technical education such as Ombe Technical College, the School of Post and Telecommunications and the School of Public Works were made subservient to Francophone schools, their syllabus “Francophonized” and ultimately Anglophones deemed unqualified to attend them.• In the name of harmonization, an attack was launched on the Anglophone system of education. As a case in point, the format of the General Certificate of Education (GCE) examination, modelled after that of the British schools that sanctions the end of secondary education was to be changed to look like that of the French. No one would forget soon, or if at all, the violence that was unleashed on Anglophone parents in Yaounde as they fought for the creation of an Anglophone GCE board.• Similarly, Anglophones had to fight for the creation of tertiary institutions in their part of the country. On a constative level, the founding decrees for these institutions stipulate that they are Anglo-Saxon. But on a performative level, any claim to purity has been denied them by the heavy handedness of the Francophone overlords that continuously post Francophone administrators and teachers who are not proficient in the English language to these institutions. And when Anglophones question the logic, they are simply told that “Cameroon is bilingual”! • This practice referred to above now pervades public space and it is not uncommon to see Francophone administrators bark out orders to baffled Anglophones. Its pernicious effects are evident in the judicial sector where Francophone judicial officers trained in Civil law now preside over the administration of law in  Common Law jurisdictions. • Crass disregard for English has even led to road accidents and the death of Anglophones due to the fact that road signage even in the remote Anglophone parts of the country are all in French. More insidious and deftly, the Buea Archives, site of our institutional memory, painstakingly preserved  even by the Germans and the British was sacked and put on the path to spoliation as if it was a prize of war for the Francophone victorious regime!  In Anglophone political culture, dissent is seen as integral to democratic practice. Francophones as borne out by the practice all over Francophone Africa tend to confound dissent with conflict and force with legitimate order. We readily acknowledge their worldview. Arguably, it is this worldview that underwrites their acceptance of Alexander Pope’s couplet, “For forms of government let fools contest/What’er is best is best administered”. Anglophones in the Cameroonian context, however, question its validity. Forms of government matter insofar as a government incarnates the expression of the collective will of the people. Yes, we say that we are a people, different from the Francophones who have not missed any opportunity to otherize us. Violence inflicted on anyone of us by the Francophone regime is considered as an attack on all In other words, we have appropriated the motto De te fabula narrutur - it is of you that this story is told. And so to stop telling these gruesome stories, after much reflection on a continent where violence is endemic, we have come to the inevitable conclusion that our only path to social and political peace is through recovering our autonomy. Yes, admittedly, we are cursed with an overabundance of patience even in adversity. And so we have endured this situation for over fifty years. But endurance should not be mistaken with despair for as Peter, not Peter the Apostle, but Peter in Hugh Walpole’s alliance entitled Fortitude asserted “it is not the life in this world that matters but the courage that you bring to it”. Yes, we have reached the tipping point. But whose endurance would not be shaken by the pictures that have turned the gaze of the international community thanks to social media and people’s journalists on the structural violence being perpetrated on Anglophones? This is unimpeachable evidence that we do not have any rights in the Republic of Cameroon. This may be seen as an analogue of Rwanda. But it is actually a false equivalence as our right as a people has been recognized. The analogue to our case is East Timor A Case Study of Sovereignty: East Timor 1999 by Rachel Barrett on Prezi Faced with an existential challenge, a case eloquently prosecuted by Honorable Joseph Wirba before Cameroon’s National Assembly in December 2016 fTFnvHPoKmk, while Anglophones were being persecuted in public space, how can we remain docile? How can we remain indifferent in the face of this spectacle? Now that the world knows that our complaints are no longer just imagined, should the powers that put us on the wrong trajectory, despite the warnings the US Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Clement Zabioloski not help to get history right now? We believe they should. Yes, the moral arch of history, though long, inevitably bends toward justice qua freedom. Now we dream of our freedom and should be agents in gaining it. Knowing that our cause is just and armed with indefatigable determination, we shall not stumble. For a long time, we were ready to accept justice as acknowledgement. But the regime only sought to silence us. We have crossed that threshold and today submit that the only justice we can know is freedom. The choice not being Corneillian, i.e. choosing between love and honor is an easy on. Yes, we are not Francophobes. We love them but we love our freedom and honor our history which can be the only basis of a political and moral regeneration more! Arguments by Francophones to deter us that cite the case of South Sudan not only assume unilinearity, mistake similitude for sameness(by that token determinism)  but are also patronizing. Because of intellectual laziness or a conscious design to cherry pick evidence driven by ulterior motives, they refuse to invoke the cases of Senegambia and more recently Bosnia. We cannot be sacrificed on the altar of sovereignty.  We believe that all countries and political leaders have a moral duty in a world where the right to protect(R2P) is now a guiding principle to accompany us in our struggle. To all people of good will everywhere, join us in this “amicus curiae” brief against an overbearing and illegitimate power, known officially as la Republique du Cameroun.

Ben Jua
971 supporters