A- Introduction: The Massacres the World Ignores
In March 2025, extremist groups launched coordinated attacks in Syria’s northwest to repel Alawite fighters who attacked several checkpoints tied to the new de facto authorities under Alsharaa. What followed was not justice—it was vengeance. Entire villages were punished. Over 1,700 Alawite civilians were killed in a matter of days. By the beginning of July 2025, at least 517 additional innocent Alawites had been murdered in retaliatory and unchecked violence. Between 36 and 60 Alawite women have been abducted from the streets. Reports indicate these women are subjected to sexual enslavement, rape, or forced marriage, echoing the horrific treatment of Yazidi women by ISIS. Their families now wait—watching, praying, and receiving ransom demands instead of answers.

The most shocking part is that Alsharaa quickly promoted one of the officers—whose subordinates massacred the civilians—to a higher-ranking military position, instead of bringing him to justice. This officer and another were only added to the European sanctions list months after the mentioned atrocities.

Since then, the list of victims has expanded to include innocent Druze and Christian civilians—further evidence that this is not justice, but indiscriminate sectarian terror.

Recently, Alsharaa's forces launched a deadly campaign in Al-Suwayda province, targeting the Druze community. The violence reportedly began when a Druze trader, out shopping for groceries, was stopped by Sunni Bedouins who beat him and stole his car and money. In retaliation, a Druze gang kidnapped several Bedouins to demand the return of the stolen items.

Rather than de-escalating the situation, Alsharaa's forces intervened in support of the Bedouins, triggering a wider cycle of violence. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Alsharaa’s forces have executed Druze civilians, many of whom have no connection to the initial incident. As of their latest report (28th of July), 1,448 have been killed by the 21st of July, including 145 Druze civilians—among them 56 women, 21 children, and one elderly man. At least 258 were executed directly by Alsharaa’s forces, including 12 Druze women and 8 children. On the other hand, Druze fighters have killed a civilian Bedouin woman, man, and child.

The extent and precision of these killings—documented in chilling detail by local and international monitors—has drawn coverage from Western news outlets, who now describe the campaign in South Syria as one of the gravest sectarian crackdowns since the fall of ISIS. Media reports highlight the resemblance between Alsharaa’s tactics and previous state-sponsored purges in Syria’s history—where collective punishment replaced rule of law, and ethnic identity became a death sentence.

Just like their Alawite counterparts in March, Druze civilians are being collectively punished. This is not conflict resolution—it is sectarian cleansing under the guise of military order.

These civilians—Christian, Druze, or Alawite —were not soldiers. They did not order airstrikes. They did not run intelligence units. They were schoolteachers. Shopkeepers. Mothers. Children. The crime they are paying for is their identity.

 

B- Acknowledge All Crimes, Demand Equal Accountability
Let us be clear: crimes committed by Bashar al-Assad’s regime must be fully investigated and prosecuted. No lasting peace in Syria is possible without accountability for the torture, barrel bombings, and mass detentions carried out under his rule—primarily against Sunni civilians. The world must stand with those victims.

But justice cannot be selective. Just as no one sect deserves immunity, no community deserves scapegoating. The actions of a regime should not mark entire populations for revenge. Today, extremist groups use the pain of the past to justify the bloodshed of the present, hunting down Alawite, Christian, and Druze communities for different, unjustifiable reasons. And even persecuting some innocent moderate Sunni Muslims whom they consider as outsiders.
We must say: enough!


C- A History of Persecution That Few Know – But All Must Understand
The Alawites (historically known as Nusayris) have endured over a thousand years of persecution due to their distinct religious beliefs, often condemned as heretical by Sunni and Shi’a authorities. Early polemicists linked them to Ibn Sabaʾ to portray them as subversive and beyond the bounds of Islam.

According to Yaron Friedman in The Nuṣayrī-ʿAlawīs (2010), the community was repeatedly attacked and driven into the mountains to survive. One of the most devastating episodes occurred under the Mamlūk amīr of Tripoli, during which approximately 20,000 Alawites were killed and many others fled to the Jebal al-Nusayriyah region for refuge.

During the Mamluk and Ottoman periods, they faced repeated violence, marginalisation, and forced displacement. A notorious fatwa by Ibn Taymiyyah in the 14th century declared them more dangerous than Christians or Jews, legitimising their killing and banning interaction with them.

In Friedman’s words, the prevailing attitude in many classical Islamic sources was clear: "[Alawites] are not Muslims and should be annihilated."

In the 19th century, Ottoman forces massacred Alawites in Jabal al-Nusayriyah during Salim I's rule. Under French colonisation, some Alawites allied with colonial forces for safety and economic reasons, which led to hostility from Sunni nationalists. After independence, their marginalisation continued.

In 1963, the Al-Ba'ath Party seized power and kept tight control over the country until Hafiz Al-Assad, an Alawite, took control of Syria in 1970. After his death in 2000, power was swiftly transferred to his son, Bashar Al-Assad, who ultimately left the country in December 2024.

Some analysts argue that the brutality of the Syrian regime under Assad stems not only from a desire for power but from a deep-seated fear within the Alawite community of renewed persecution.

As Leon T. Goldsmith explores in Cycle of Fear: Syria’s Alawites in War and Peace (2015), this fear has long shaped the community's political behaviour, reinforcing a siege mentality that has been both exploited and deepened by authoritarian leadership.

This fear is often compared to the rationale behind the establishment of Israel as a refuge for Jews after centuries of systemic violence, suggesting that for Alawites, holding power became a perceived matter of survival.

After Assad's regime fell on December 24, civilians feared they might be unfairly held responsible for the actions of Assad's associates and beneficiaries, many of whom were Alawites. Unfortunately, the longstanding hatred that developed over centuries and intensified during Assad's 50-year rule led to the massacre on March 25.

The Druze: are a small ethnoreligious community whose faith emerged in the early 11th century during the rule of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah. Their religion is an esoteric monotheism drawing on Ismaili Shi’a Islam, Neoplatonism, Gnostic and Christian elements, and Greek philosophy. They believe in reincarnation and the unity of God but reject many orthodox Islamic practices such as ritual prayer, fasting, and pilgrimage (Firro, 1992).

Because of their non-conformity with Sunni or Shi’a doctrine, the Druze have long been treated as heretics by dominant Islamic powers. Religious authorities historically issued fatwas permitting their persecution or death, pushing Druze communities into the mountainous regions of Mount Lebanon, southern Syria (Jabal al-Druze/Al-Suwayda), and northern Israel, where they sought isolation and self-rule (Abu-Lughod, 1998).

Major Historical Persecutions and Massacres
Ottoman Suppression (16th–19th centuries): The Druze clashed frequently with the Ottoman Empire, particularly when they resisted central rule. In the early 19th century, the Ottoman authorities launched a major campaign against the Druze of Syria in response to their perceived rebellion. According to Firro (1992), this culminated in the massacre of many thousands Druze in Jabal al-Druze, with survivors fleeing to other mountain areas.

Why This History Matters Today
The Druze have survived as a religious minority through isolation, community discipline, and a tradition of neutrality. Yet neutrality has not always protected them. Today, their historical fear of persecution is being realized again in southern Syria, where recent mass killings, especially in Al-Suwayda, echo older cycles of collective punishment.

This legacy of marginalization and massacre helps explain why the international community must not ignore the killing of Druze civilians in 2025. It is not just a tragedy—it is a continuation of historical trauma.

D- Today’s Tragedy: Verified Reports of Targeted Slaughter
According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, 1,562 civilians were killed in Syria in March 2025 (The Alawite massacre) alone—among them 102 children, 99 women, and 33 medical personnel.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights confirms 1,700 civilian deaths -Mainly Alawites - during the same period, largely in retaliatory attacks targeting minority areas.

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Alsharaa’s forces are now executing Druze civilians, many of whom have no connection to the initial incident. As of their latest report (28th of July), 1,448 have been killed by the 21st of July, including 145 Druze civilians—among them 56 women, 21 children, and one elderly man. At least 258 were executed directly by Alsharaa’s forces, including 12 Druze women and 8 children, alongside a Bedouin woman, man, and child reportedly killed by Druze fighters.

Four months later, despite the formation of a fact‑finding committee under Alsharaa’s leadership, no findings have been released. Since its creation, over 500 more civilians have been killed, and Alawite women have been abducted off the streets.

E- You Can Help Stop the Next Massacre
We are not asking you to choose sides in Syria’s war. We ask you to stand for something more universal: justice that protects all civilians. Dignity that belongs to all people. Accountability for all perpetrators.

You don’t need to be Alawite, Christian or Druze, or even Syrian. Or religious. If you believe that no person should be murdered for the faith they were born into, this petition is yours too.

Picture your sister being taken away. Your mother is crying in the doorway. Your brother’s body is still missing. What would you want the world to do in that situation?


F- We Call On:
The United Nations and the International Criminal Court
- Establish an independent international investigation into war crimes by all parties—Assad’s regime and extremist groups alike.

Democratic Governments (UK, EU, US, Canada, Australia, Japan, and others)
- Press Alsharaa’s de facto authorities to disband the biased “fact-finding” committee and replace it with a neutral national and international committee dedicated to uncovering the truth and ensuring accountability for the criminals who slaughtered Alawites and Druze civilians.
- Demand the immediate release of abducted women.
- Provide protection and humanitarian access to vulnerable minority communities.
- Encourage and empower diverse Syrian communities to manage their own affairs within a united Syria. 
- Additional pressure should be applied to Al-Sharaa, who proposed a disappointing interim constitution and is repeating Assad's mistake by setting himself up as Syria's future dictator.

Free Governments and Diplomats Worldwide
- Pressure Gulf and Muslim-majority countries to condemn and neutralise religious fatwas that incite violence against people based on sectarian, religious, or ethnic identity. No fatwa should ever justify genocide. No silence should ever excuse it.

Human Rights Organisations & Faith Leaders
- Publicly condemn the scapegoating of minorities.
- Support trauma recovery, legal representation, and community safety for Alawites, Druze, and Christians.


G- Sign This Petition Because:
1. You believe no child should die for their parents’ political silence.
2. You believe religious identity is not a war crime.
3. You believe justice is not justice unless it protects the weak from the strong.
4. You believe religion must never be weaponised to excuse mass killing.


H- Key References (Harvard Style)
Abu-Lughod, I., 1998. The Druze: Realities and Perceptions. New York: Columbia University Press.
Firro, K., 1992. A History of the Druzes. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers.
Friedman, Y. (2010). The Nuṣayrī-ʿAlawīs: An Introduction to the Religion, History and Identity of the Leading Minority in Syria. Brill.
Goldsmith, L. T. (2015). Cycle of Fear: Syria’s Alawites in War and Peace. Oxford University Press.
Ibn Taymiyyah. (14th century). Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā.
International Center for Transitional Justice, 2015. Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence: A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon 1975–2008. [online] ICTJ. Available at: https://www.ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-Report-Lebanon-Mapping-2013-EN_0.pdf
SNHR. (2025, April 9). 1,562 Deaths in March 2025 in Syria. Retrieved from https://snhr.org
SOHR. (2025, May). Fact-finding committee fails…500 civilian fatalities. Retrieved from https://www.syriahr.com
Reuters. (2025, June 27). She’s not coming back: Alawite women snatched... Retrieved from https://www.reuters.comRogan, E., 2024. The Damascus Events: The 1860 Massacre and the Destruction of the Ottoman Order. London: Allen Lane.

I- Media
The Guardian. (2025). Video Report on Syria Minorities. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com

Horror of the Syrian massacres: Video footage 'shows brutal executions

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reuters' Report​

Violation of Druze' human rights-1

Violation of Druze' human rights 2