EN: Please sign this petition in support of Macedonians within the Republic of Macedonia and worldwide, we need numbers for this petition to make a difference. The link to this petition is going to be sent to the European Parliament, Commission, and Council alongside a letter outlining our concerns with Bulgaria's demands and the Revised French Proposal. Let's show the EU how many Macedonians oppose this and are unhappy with the EU's treatment of Macedonia. 

You can see the text of the letter that will be sent to the EU institutions below.

MK: Ве молиме потпишете ја оваа петиција за поддршка на Македонците во Република Македонија и во светот, потребни ни се бројки за оваа петиција да направи разлика. Линкот до оваа петиција ќе биде испратена до Европскиот парламент, Комисијата и Советот заедно со писмо во кое ќе се наведе нашата загриженост за барањата на Бугарија и Ревидираниот француски предлог. Да и покажеме на ЕУ колку Македонци се противат на ова и не се задоволни од односот на ЕУ кон Македонија.

Текстот на писмото што ќе биде испратено до институциите на ЕУ можете да го погледнете во продолжение.

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To whom it may concern,

We are writing to you on behalf of Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia and the diaspora to urge you to stand against Bulgaria’s veto on Macedonia, and in particular the Revised French Proposal (‘RFP’) which incorporates the Friendship Treaty (2017) and the bilateral protocol into Macedonia’s accession framework. Our concerns are outlined below.

1. Widespread Public Opposition

Massive protests took place in Skopje, Macedonia against the RFP and Bulgaria’s demands, and spread throughout the country including in Ohrid and Bitola and globally within Malta, Canada and the United Kingdom. In Macedonia, the protests occurred daily since the initial French Proposal emerged, until the official signing of the RFP in the Macedonian Parliament on 16 July 2022. The RFP has been passed in Macedonia, against the will of the Macedonian people, undermining the democratic principles advocated for by the EU.

This situation is similar to that which led up to the signing of the Prespa Agreement with Greece, the outcome of which resulted in the resignation of the government that signed it, as well as political and civil unrest. The Macedonian population boycotted the Prespa Agreement for undermining human dignity and the right to self-determination. In endorsing the Bulgarian demands on Macedonia, the EU has yet again ignored Macedonian citizens by engaging in another agreement which violates the jus cogens right to self-determination. 

2. The RFP’s Incorporation of the Controversial Friendship Treaty (2017)

The RFP incorporates Macedonia’s bilateral agreement with Bulgaria - the Friendship Treaty - which elevates Bulgaria's demands to a constitutional level within the negotiating framework. Whilst Member States may reopen parts of the accession negotiating framework, Bulgaria’s interests and demands will carry priority in the Commission’s decision-making; as well as the monitoring of Macedonia’s implementation of the Friendship Treaty. Therefore, Bulgaria’s interests will override other Member States’ demands regarding Macedonia. 

By incorporating the Friendship Treaty within its framework, the European Commission and Council will be legitimising Bulgaria’s xenophobic demands regarding Macedonia’s language, identity and history. This is in direct contradiction to the fundamental values of the EU, which seek to promote diversity and inclusivity through the celebration of the many languages and cultures within the Union. It also directly violates basic human rights which the EU adheres to and promotes globally. Particularly worrisome is Article 8, paragraph 2 of the Treaty which establishes a “Joint Multidisciplinary Expert Commission on Historical and Educational Issues”, whose task is to contribute to an “objective scientific interpretation of historical events based on authentic and evidence-based historical sources.” The role and legitimisation of this Joint Commission in the accession process is concerning as Bulgaria opposes Macedonia’s historical accounts of its occupation by Bulgaria during the Second World War. This exercise of historical revisionism is in Bulgaria’s interest. One example being its semantic preference for the use of ‘administration’ over ‘occupation’. This could result in the Commission engaging in Holocaust denialism, despite Bulgaria’s role in facilitating the deportation of circa 7,200 Macedonian Jews to the Treblinka concentration camp while occupying Macedonia due to its role in the Axis alliance. 

The incorporation of the Treaty and in particular Article 8, paragraph 2, is in direct violation of: 

• The Right to Self-Determination, under common Article 1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which gives all peoples the right to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development;
• Human Dignity, under Article 1 of the Universal Declaration for Human Rights and Article 1 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union;
• Integrity of the Person, under Article 3 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union;
• Article 13 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union which claims “The arts and scientific research shall be free of constraint. Academic freedom shall be respected”;
• Article 22 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union committing EU members to respecting “cultural, religious and linguistic diversity”;
• The right to live free from discrimination based on language and national origin, and regardless of the international status of the country to which one belongs, under Article 2 of the Universal Declaration for Human Rights, which gives everyone the same rights and freedoms without distinction;
• Cultural rights, under the Preamble and Articles 1, 3, 6, and 15 of the of the International Covenant for Economic Social and Cultural Rights;
• Intentional destruction of cultural heritage, under Part II of the UNESCO Declaration concerning the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage;
• Degrading and Inhuman Treatment under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 4 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union;
• Genocide, Under Article 2, paragraph 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and Under Article 6 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Notably, the Agreement’s intent is to destroy the Macedonians as an ethnic group by denying their collective history and thus de facto inflicting cultural genocide.

3. The Bilateral Protocol 

The protocol of the second meeting of the Joint Intergovernmental Commission was signed by Mr. Bujar Osmani, on behalf of Macedonia, and Mrs. Teodora Genchovska, on behalf of Bulgaria, on 17 July 2022. The meeting was established on the basis of Article 12 of the Friendship Treaty, discussed above.

The protocol outlines many of Bulgaria’s demands that must be fulfilled in order for “the Intergovernmental Conference to complete the opening phase of accession negotiations”. 

The most significant demands are:

• Macedonia must amend its Constitution to include Bulgarians on an equal footing with other ethnic groups in Macedonia (see discussion in s.4 below).
• Reiteration of Art.11 para 5 of the 2017 Treaty, confirming that nothing in Macedonia’s constitution can be interpreted as ever representing a basis for interfering in the internal affairs of Bulgaria to protect non-Macedonian citizens (i.e. the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria - see discussion in s.4 below).
• “Cooperation in the field of education and science, copies of all educational programs, textbooks, teaching aids and other relevant educational materials in the educational programs of both countries.”
• Both Parties will take measures against “hate speech” on public buildings and monuments, in textbooks and programs, and in the public space. Additionally, the Protocol grants both Parties the power to take action against private individuals for any activity which would “harm their relations”. Bulgaria’s definition of “hate speech” includes the use of the term “Bulgarian fascist occupier” which is historically accurate and its prohibition infringes upon the right to freedom of speech, especially that of private individuals (see discussion on WW2 in s.2 above).
• Macedonia must reaffirm its condemnation and apology for the “injustices and repressions committed in the past, directly or indirectly, by the Yugoslav communist authorities against citizens based on their ethno-political self-determination, including Bulgarians.” 
  There is no reciprocated provision regarding condemnation and apology by Bulgaria for the atrocities committed by its fascist occupation of Macedonia during World War II. This provision demonstrates the importance of the right to ethno-political self-determination of Bulgarians, whilst Bulgaria simultaneously denies Macedonia this same right in the 21st century.
• By 2022 and 2023 the Parties must honour all “joint historical events and personalities that have already been agreed upon by the Joint Multidisciplinary Expert Commission on Historical and Educational Issues.” This incorporates bilateral disputes within the EU negotiation framework (see discussion in s.7 below). As Macedonia’s EU accession is being held hostage by Bulgaria’s demands, and subsequently the findings of the Commission, it is more likely that Macedonia will be forced to make significant concessions regarding historical figures and events that are central to the Macedonian identity.
• The Commission’s finding will also form the basis of, and be included in, school curriculum, textbooks, and other relevant teaching materials. They will also inform historical monuments, and information materials in museums and other objects of educational and cultural importance, as well as publicly owned information media. This infringes upon Macedonia’s self-determination and allows Bulgaria to interfere with Macedonia’s internal affairs. History is not a science, and every nation is allowed the right to determine its own national history and how it is taught within its own schools. This also serves to deny the right to a free media within Macedonia, contrary to the fundamental rights of the EU.
• Macedonia will take measures to “ensure effective access to equal rights, protection from discrimination and protection of the culture and identity of the Bulgarian community…[in Macedonia]”. 
  No reciprocated provision is included for the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, who faces severe discrimination (see s. 4 below). 

4. Minority Rights Issues

The RFP offers no constitutional guarantees for the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, represented by OMO-Ilinden-PIRIN, who are a signatory to this letter and a member of the European Free Alliance Party. The European Court of Human Rights has ruled against the Republic of Bulgaria 14 times for preventing the freedom of association of Macedonian organisations in Bulgaria. The Friendship Treaty, endorsed by the RFP, further requires Macedonia to remove its constitutional protection over this same minority in Bulgaria. On the other hand, Bulgaria requires Macedonia to amend its constitution in order to offer legal protections for the small Bulgarian minority in Macedonia. The imbalance in bargaining power is most evident here and is in direct contravention of the EU’s aim to protect minority rights. 

Similarly, throughout the process of negotiations and signing of the Prespa Agreement, the EU overlooked numerous reports of human rights violations pertaining to the Macedonian minority in Greece.* In doing so, the EU refused to acknowledge the interlinkages between the Greek government’s denial of the Macedonian minority’s ethnic identity and language, and the conditions imposed on Macedonia by the Greek veto. Likewise, the EU now overlooks the significance of Bulgaria’s treatment of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria and the role it plays in shaping the contents of the RFP. 

*These reports include:

• Human Rights Watch Report “Denying Ethnic Identity: The Macedonians of Greece” (Human Rights Watch, 1994).
• United Nations Human Rights Council, “Promotion and Protection of All Human Rights, Civil Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Including the Right to Development: Report of the Independent Expert on Minorities Issues, Gay McDougall - Addendum, Mission to Greece, 8-16 September, 2008” (Human Rights Council, 18 February 2009).
• Thomas Hammarberg, Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, “Report on Visit to Greece on 8-10 December of 2008” (Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 19 February, 2009).
• European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, “Report on Greece” (Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 15 September, 2009).
• Judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of “Sidiropoulos and Others v. Greece” (Judgment, Strasbourg, 10 July 1998) (Finding Greece in Violation of Article 11: Freedom of Assembly and Association of the European Convention on Human Rights for closing down the Home of Macedonian Culture).
• Judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the “Case of Ouranio Toxo and Others v. Greece” (Judgement, Strasbourg, 20 October, 2005; 20 January, 2006).
• Judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the “Case of the House of Macedonian Civilisation and Others v. Greece,” (App.no. 1295/10 Strasbourg, 9 July 2015)

The EU has actively supported both the Prespa Agreement with Greece and the RFP which incorporates Bulgaria’s fascist and xenophobic demands. The EU’s continued silence on the correlation between the modification of Macedonia’s history in these agreements and the policy of denial of the existence of a Macedonian minority within their territories, is a de facto violation of the basic human rights of the Macedonian people. The EU’s  leadership in these negotiations, and refusal to consider the aforementioned human rights reports, legitimises the human rights violations of the Macedonian people committed by both Greece and Bulgaria. 

5. Parallels to Putin’s Rhetoric Against Ukrainian Culture and Identity 

The majority of Europe has united in its position against Russia’s imperialist occupation of Ukraine. However, this stance is contradicted by the EU’s support of the RFP as it functions to strengthen Bulgaria’s explicit territorial and irredentist claims over Macedonia. Putin justifies his invasion of Ukraine by claiming that Ukrainians have Russian roots and are not a separate ethnic group, and Bulgarian politicians have made the same claims regarding Macedonia and Macedonians.* In May, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba acknowledged this, by stating “Macedonians, like no one else, probably in Europe, understand what it means to be humiliated for its identity, for its language, for its culture.” 

*Notable provocations include:

• Bulgarian Member of Parliament (MP) and Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Dzhambazki continues to use irredentist, fascist and anti-Macedonian rhetoric. He utilises a Greater Bulgaria map as his header on his official Twitter account and website. His website calls for the occupation of Macedonia through a campaign photo which reads “Macedonia is one and that is Bulgarian. The Bulgarian interest is for there to be no border from Ohrid to the Black Sea.” In June 2020, he stated that Macedonians would become good Bulgarians with patience and a good beating. On 9 November 2020, he Tweeted “Macedonia without Bulgarians, let fire burn it.”  On 29 March 2021, he published his election campaign, with the main focus on Macedonia. In the video, he claimed that Macedonia is Bulgarian, and he threatened that Bulgaria and Albania would divide Macedonia amongst themselves.
• On 21 October 2020, Bulgaria’s Minister of Defence Karakachanov stated “If necessary, I will send the engineering regiment to help me remove [Macedonians] faster or I will send them from my organization VMRO, they will remove them in 24 hours.”
• On 16 April 2022, Bulgarian politicians, including Prime Minister Kiril Petkov, attended the opening of the Ivan Mihailov cultural club in Bitola, which honors the fascist-collaborator Ivan Mihailov, responsible for the deaths of thousands of Macedonians who fought against Bulgarian expansionism. Additionally, Mihailov denied the existence of a distinct Macedonian identity and ethnicity. The club is located in the old Jewish quarters of Bitola, serving as a huge provocation and disregard to the Macedonian Jewish community that perished at the hands of the Bulgarian fascist occupiers.
• On 24 June 2022, a group of MPs held up “Macedonia is Bulgaria” signs in Bulgarian Parliament while the Parliament was debating the French proposal.
• On 18 July 2022, former Bulgarian Minister of Foreign Affairs and GERB MP Zaharieva said, “we do not recognize the Macedonian language…It has differences, but it was written in 1945, based on the Bulgarian dialect.” This was later endorsed by the current Minister of Foreign Affairs Genchovska and submitted under Bulgaria’s unilateral declaration.

The EU therefore loses the ability to legitimately accuse Putin for crimes against humanity on the basis of his “intent” to commit genocide as evidenced in his speeches against Ukrainians, whilst paradoxically supporting the same rhetoric when it is directed at Macedonians.

6. Exacerbating Ethnic Tensions in Macedonia

The RFP and support for Bulgaria’s demands threaten to destabilise Macedonia further. Ethnic tensions have risen between ethnic Macedonians and Macedonia’s Albanian minority since Macedonia and Albania’s accession was expected as a package, and has now been decoupled as a result of Bulgaria’s veto and the acceptance of the RFP. These tensions, which politicians in Macedonia are trying to exploit, create the possibility of an ethnic civil war which can destabilise the wider Balkan region. 

7. Implications on the Accession Process for Other Candidate States

The French Proposal gives Bulgaria’s veto power greater weight amongst its members since it places Bulgaria’s interests on a constitutional footing for the EU Commission to consider at its forefront, at all stages. This undermines the principle of equality amongst Member States.  Additionally, the proposal sets accession requirements for Macedonia to an unrealistic standard that previous applicants never had to reach and current members would not satisfy. 

The incorporation of this proposal into the EU membership negotiation process sets a dangerous precedent for future candidates who will similarly be expected to solve their bilateral disputes in exchange for potential membership. Recently, Croatia hinted that it could place a veto on Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro’s EU Accession, in an attempt to resolve historical issues. This would include the mentioned countries accepting that the Croatian army during the Second World War and Yugoslav Wars were liberators. Thus, the Copenhagen Criteria will lose its meaning if the settlement of bilateral disputes surrounding culture, history and identity become a determinative factor in attaining membership. This will disproportionately impact Balkan and Eastern European countries where any one country can block the other for such reasons, even if the country has met all other relevant criteria. This arbitrary method delegitimises the EU accession process and leaves promises, to states like Ukraine and Moldova, as nothing but empty rhetoric.

8. Why Your Stance Matters

Macedonia’s pro-European position has been evident since prior to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, where Macedonians dreamed of joining the European family with European support. Unfortunately, Macedonians have never had a seat at the table for determining the future of their country, and today, Macedonian politicians bypassed established constitutional processes to pass the RFP against the wishes of the public, and without a mandate. While Macedonian officials praised the first intergovernmental conference as marking the start of the opening of negotiations, it is clear that negotiations will only begin once Macedonia implements the constitutional changes required under the RFP. Even if these changes are adopted by Macedonia, Bulgaria - and other Member States - still retain their power to veto Macedonia at any given point. Macedonia has been asked time and time again to make substantial concessions, without any guarantees that they will secure Macedonia’s place in the EU. 

Your position regarding the RFP and Bulgaria’s veto against Macedonia will directly affect millions of Macedonians around the globe. This is more than merely a legal issue - it is a moral one. Macedonians are deserving of the same rights and freedoms which you, your colleagues, and respective countries enjoy. This is the bare minimum for which we ask, so that when Macedonia does eventually join the EU, it won’t be a shell of a nation - with little integrity that generations have fought to preserve. 

Therefore, we implore you to use your power within European institutions for good and to prevent the deliberate eradication of the Macedonian identity facilitated by the RFP and Bulgaria’s demands. We urge you to stand up for dignity, equality, and freedom from discrimination, as well as to encourage an EU enlargement process which respects the EU’s fundamental principles.