An Urgent Appeal by the Undersigned Scholars, Experts, and Citizens

Addressed to: The President of the United States of America, the Government of the State of Israel, the Leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the United Nations Security Council, the United Nations General Assembly, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and all states party to the Geneva Conventions of 1949.

WE, the undersigned, are individuals of diverse nationalities, backgrounds, and political convictions. We include scholars of Middle Eastern history and politics, legal experts in international humanitarian law, civil society activists, and concerned citizens, including Iranian and dual citizens living inside and outside Iran. We speak with neither a single political voice nor partisan allegiance. What unites us is a commitment to the protection of civilian life, the rule of international law, and the conviction that the peoples of Iran, Lebanon, Israel, and the broader Middle East, including the Persian Gulf region, deserve to have their rights and their survival treated as a matter of the highest urgency. We write because we believe that silence, at this moment, would be a failure of responsibility.

On 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel launched a coordinated military assault on Iran in the middle of ongoing US-Iran talks and negotiations (Washington Post, 21 March 2026). The human toll inside Iran is severe and systematically undercounted. Numbers ranging from around 1,400 to more than 1,900 deaths have been documented by human rights monitors, including at least 1,354 confirmed civilian fatalities, with human rights groups noting that military casualties are significantly higher than reported figures, as confirmations depend on government data obscured by the sensitive nature of military information (Human Rights Activists News Agency, HRANA​, ; Hengaw Organisation for Human Rights; NPR, 22 March 2026). Iran's deputy health minister has now reported more than 1,900 people killed by Israeli and US strikes inside Iran (NBC News live updates, 6 April 2026). These figures are almost certainly an undercount, and the reason for this uncertainty is not a failure of reporting alone. It is the direct consequence of a near-total communications blackout that has severed Iran from the world. The Iranian government has arrested 25 people for "spreading rumours, filming damages, and sending them to anti-revolutionary networks" (Fox News, 21 March 2026), a stark illustration of how it has actively suppressed documentation of the war's impact on its own population.

We wish to be direct about something that we believe has received insufficient attention in international commentary: the scale of what is happening to the Iranian civilian population is not fully known, and it is not fully known precisely because the Iranian government has enforced a communications blackout that serves its own interests at the direct expense of its citizens' safety and the world's ability to bear witness. We consider this silence, and the relative indifference of much of the international news media to the human cost of this war on the Iranian side, to be a profound moral and journalistic failure.

On 21 and 22 March 2026, the situation escalated dramatically in multiple directions. President Trump threatened to "hit and obliterate" Iran's power plants if Tehran did not open the Strait of Hormuz within 48 hours (Fox News, 21 March 2026). That same day, Iranian ballistic missiles struck the southern Israeli cities of Dimona and Arad, with the Israeli Ministry of Health reporting at least 180 people wounded, among them young children (CNBC, 21 March 2026​; NBC News, 21 March 2026). Iranian state television framed the strikes as a response to an attack on Iran's Natanz nuclear enrichment complex. The tit-for-tat logic of targeting civilian areas is not a logic we accept. It is a path to catastrophe, and it is explicitly prohibited under international law regardless of what provocation is alleged.

Since those initial escalations, the situation has continued to deteriorate. As of the date of this petition, 6 April 2026, Trump has twice deferred but never withdrawn his threat to destroy Iranian civilian infrastructure. On 23 March 2026, he announced a five-day pause on attacks on Iranian energy sites, citing what he described as "productive conversations" with Tehran (CNBC, 23 March 2026). On 26 March 2026, he extended the pause by a further ten days to Tuesday, 7 April 2026 at 8 p.m. Eastern Time (Al Jazeera, 26 March 2026​; Bloomberg, 26 March 2026). Iran's Foreign Ministry, its Parliament Speaker, and state media have throughout denied that any negotiations are taking place, with Parliament Speaker Ghalibaf accusing Trump of trying to "manipulate the financial and oil markets and escape the quagmire in which the US and Israel are trapped" (Al Jazeera, 23 March 2026).

As the Tuesday deadline has approached, the language on all sides has grown dramatically more alarming. In an expletive-laden Truth Social post on Sunday, 5 April 2026, Trump declared "Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran," threatening that Tehran would be "living in Hell" if the Strait is not reopened (Al Jazeera, 5 April 2026). At a White House press conference on 6 April 2026, he stated that "the entire country can be taken out in one night, and that night might be tomorrow night," and separately told reporters that he would take Iran's oil and destroy its bridges and power plants (Bloomberg, 6 April 2026; Al Jazeera live updates, 6 April 2026). Acknowledging a proposal submitted by Egyptian, Pakistani, and Turkish envoys for a 45-day ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait, Trump called it "a very significant step" but "not good enough" (NPR, 6 April 2026). Iran formally rejected the 45-day ceasefire proposal, with Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei stating that it would allow the US and Israel to pause and prepare for the continuation of the war, and insisting on a permanent end to hostilities. Iran has separately sent demands through Pakistan that include an end to conflicts in the region, a safe passage protocol for the Strait of Hormuz, and the lifting of sanctions (NBC News, 6 April 2026). 

Iran's counter-threats have also escalated significantly. Iran's Parliament Speaker Ghalibaf has warned that any attempt to seize Iranian islands would be met with "relentless, unceasing attacks" on the vital infrastructure of any regional state assisting such an operation (Al Jazeera, 26 March 2026). Iran has warned of a "more severe and expansive" response if Trump follows through, and an adviser to the supreme leader has threatened to extend disruption to the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, through which an estimated 10 per cent of global trade passes (NPR, 6 April 2026). Iran's mission to the United Nations stated in response to Trump's latest threats: "Once again, the US president openly threatens to destroy infrastructure essential to civilian survival in Iran. The international community and all states have legal obligations to prevent such atrocious acts of war crimes. They must act now. Tomorrow is too late" (Al Jazeera, 5 April 2026). Iran has already struck the world's largest LNG facility in Qatar and energy sites in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. The civilian populations of those states did not initiate this conflict.

The explicit framing of Trump's threats, openly linked to the restoration of commercial oil flows rather than to any stated military objective, reveals with troubling clarity the callousness of such an approach. Under international humanitarian law, this is not merely reckless: "acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population are prohibited" (Additional Protocol I, Article 51(2); ICRC Customary IHL Study, Rule 2). The European Council President, António Costa, has warned publicly that the targeting of civilian infrastructure is "illegal and unacceptable," and legal experts have told CNN that attacks on civilian infrastructure such as power facilities would likely constitute a war crime (CNN, 6 April 2026). Amnesty International has formally described Trump's threats as an open threat to commit war crimes (Amnesty International Australia, amnesty.org.au/usa-iran-trumps-warning-that-usa-will-attack-irans-power-plants-is-a-threat-to-commit-war-crimes). A threatened war crime that is deferred is not a threatened war crime that has been abandoned.

We must also record what is, as of the date of this petition, the single deadliest civilian incident of this war. On the morning of 28 February 2026, during the opening hours of the US-Israeli assault, missiles struck the Shajareh Tayyebeh girls' elementary school in the city of Minab, Hormozgan province, while it was full of children. According to Iranian authorities, between 165 and 180 people were killed, the majority of them schoolgirls aged between 7 and 12. A preliminary US government assessment concluded that the United States was "likely" responsible, and that the school may have been struck in error due to outdated targeting intelligence (CBS News, 11 March 2026). Amnesty International formally declared the strike a grave violation of international humanitarian law and called for full accountability. The strike on the Shajareh Tayyebeh school demands acknowledgement, accountability, and an unambiguous commitment from all parties that schools are never legitimate military targets.

President Trump's threats to destroy Iranian power plants, bridges, and other infrastructure, and the dangerous counter-threats of the Islamic Republic, place at risk the survival of millions of civilians in Iran and the GCC area and beyond. Such threats need to be stopped on all sides. We do not sign this petition as opponents or proponents of any particular side in this conflict. We condemn the extension of military action to civilian zones on behalf of all parties, including the targeting of civilian infrastructure such as power plants, water plants, and bridges. These actions endanger the lives of millions of people and threaten to escalate this already destructive and catastrophic war to unforeseen heights, causing further unnecessary loss of lives, destruction of civilian structures, and damage to sites of cultural heritage. We are equally explicit about our support for the preservation of the lives of Iranians, citizens of the GCC countries, and Israelis, independent of any political goals. This call for us goes beyond pure politics and concerns the lives of all human beings.

We unreservedly condemn the Iranian missile strikes on civilian areas in Israel, including the strikes on Dimona and Arad on 21 March 2026, which wounded nearly 200 civilians including young children, and all subsequent attacks on Israeli civilian populations. We hold the Iranian government fully responsible for these attacks. We extend our full solidarity to all Israeli civilians living under this sustained campaign, and to all those wounded, killed, or traumatised since the war began. Their lives are of equal worth to every other life described in this petition.

We recognise that the US government and Israel have acted aggressively and belligerently against Iran since the start of the war and have broken many rules of engagement, including the striking of a girls' school in Minab resulting in hundreds dead, which a US preliminary assessment has concluded was the result of outdated targeting (CBS News, 11 March 2026, cbsnews.com/news/iran-girls-school-alleged-strike). At the same time, we recognise that the Islamic Republic has demonstrated, across this crisis, a consistent and catastrophic disregard for the welfare of its own citizens, from the suppression of internal dissent and the enforcement of communications blackouts, to its willingness to absorb devastating strikes on Iranian soil rather than seek a ceasefire that might require concessions. We hold the Iranian government accountable for this as well. We also hold the Islamic Republic responsible for the loss of lives and property in the GCC countries and for the targeting of civilian areas in Israel (Guardian, 21 March 2026). We also note that this war did not begin without cause or context. The decision by the United States and Israel to launch a military campaign with the stated aim of regime change in a sovereign country carries its own legal and moral weight, which we address below. We want nobody hurt. Not Iranians. Not Israelis. Not the people of the Persian Gulf region. Not the Lebanese. The lives of civilians on all sides of this conflict are of equal worth and are equally protected under international law.

The rules governing armed conflict are binding on all parties. We cite them as legal obligations, not aspirations.

The UN Charter, Article 2(4) obliges all member states to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. The initiation of hostilities against Iran on 28 February 2026, combined with the publicly stated objective of regime change, raises grave questions under this provision that the international community has not adequately addressed.

The principle of distinction, universally recognised as customary international humanitarian law and restated in the ICRC Customary IHL Study (2005), Rules 1 and 7, requires parties to a conflict to distinguish at all times between the civilian population and combatants, and between civilian objects and military objectives. Although the United States, Israel, and Iran have not ratified Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions (1977), its provisions on distinction, proportionality, and the protection of civilian objects are accepted by all parties as binding customary international law. The Iranian strikes on civilian areas in Israel struck residential buildings and caused widespread damage. This is a description not of distinction, but of its violation.

Additional Protocol I, Article 51(2) and ICRC Customary IHL Study Rule 2 prohibit acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population. A threat to destroy a nation's power grid and bridges, framed explicitly as an ultimatum linked to the restoration of commercial oil flows, falls within this prohibition.

Additional Protocol I, Article 51(4) prohibits indiscriminate attacks, including those employing a method or means of combat that cannot be directed at a specific military objective. The use of ballistic missiles with cluster warheads against urban residential areas falls within the definition of an indiscriminate attack. The Convention on Cluster Munitions (2008) prohibits the use of cluster munitions in any circumstances, and Iran's continued deployment of such munitions against civilian areas warrants the strongest condemnation.

Additional Protocol I, Article 54 and ICRC Customary IHL Study Rule 54 prohibit attacking, destroying, or rendering useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, including drinking water installations, foodstuffs, and supplies. Power plants, water treatment facilities, bridges serving civilian populations, hospitals, and communications networks all fall squarely within this provision. The threat by President Trump to destroy Iran's power plants and bridges, and the counter-threat by Iran to destroy energy and desalination infrastructure across the Gulf, are both in our assessment in direct violation of this rule. That these threats have been deferred rather than withdrawn does not diminish their gravity or their illegality under international humanitarian law.

Additional Protocol I, Article 51(5)(b) codifies the principle of proportionality: attacks causing civilian harm excessive in relation to the anticipated military advantage are prohibited. The destruction of a national power grid and civilian bridges serving tens of millions of people, in pursuit of the reopening of a commercial maritime route, cannot satisfy this test regardless of the rationale offered.

The Fourth Geneva Convention (1949), Article 33 prohibits collective punishment. Targeting civilian infrastructure serving the entire Iranian population, or the civilian populations of GCC states, as leverage in a dispute over maritime passage, constitutes collective punishment prohibited under international law.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998), Articles 8(2)(b)(ii) and 8(2)(b)(iv), defines as war crimes the intentional directing of attacks against civilian objects, and the launching of attacks expected to cause civilian harm clearly excessive in relation to the anticipated military advantage.

The ICRC Customary International Humanitarian Law Study (2005) consolidates these obligations as customary law binding on all parties to all armed conflicts, including those not party to the Additional Protocols. Rules 7 through 10 address the principles of distinction and the definition of civilian objects. Rule 14 addresses proportionality. Rule 54 restates the prohibition on attacking objects indispensable to civilian survival. Rule 156 defines serious violations of international humanitarian law as war crimes.

We further call on the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to monitor the situation in Iran and Israel and to open a preliminary examination where the available information provides a reasonable basis to believe that crimes within the Court's jurisdiction are being, or have been, committed.

As a result of the foregoing, we, the undersigned, call on all parties to this conflict and on the international community to act immediately on the following:

1. We ask President Trump to withdraw, unconditionally and permanently, his threat to destroy Iranian power plants, bridges, and energy infrastructure. The current deadline, which expires on Tuesday, 7 April 2026 at 8 p.m. Eastern Time, represents the continuation of a threat that Amnesty International, the European Council President, and United Nations officials have characterised as an open threat to commit a war crime. That threat, framed explicitly around the protection of oil market flows rather than any recognised standard of military necessity, describes an act that would, if carried out, constitute a violation of international humanitarian law. We urge the United States government to recommit publicly to the principles of distinction, proportionality, and the protection of objects indispensable to civilian survival, in accordance with customary international humanitarian law as restated in the ICRC Customary IHL Study (2005).

2. The Iranian government should immediately and unconditionally cease all missile attacks on civilian areas in Israel and withdraw all threats of retaliatory strikes against civilian and energy infrastructure in GCC states. Targeting the water and power supplies of populations that did not initiate this conflict would be an act of collective punishment prohibited under international law.

3. All parties should recognise that the initiation of this conflict through a military assault aimed at regime change in a sovereign state, without authorisation by the United Nations Security Council, constitutes a violation of the UN Charter, Article 2(4), and that this fundamental illegality forms an additional and compelling basis upon which all sides must pursue an immediate ceasefire. We call upon the United Nations General Assembly, invoking the Uniting for Peace resolution (UNGA Resolution 377, 1950) where the Security Council remains paralysed by the veto, to convene in emergency special session and issue a formal demand for an immediate ceasefire, the cessation of all threats against civilian infrastructure, and the opening of negotiations under international supervision. All threats against Iranian civilian infrastructure, including power plants, bridges, water supplies, communications networks, and hospitals, must cease immediately and without condition, in full compliance with customary international humanitarian law as restated in ICRC Customary IHL Study Rule 54.

4. All parties should confine military operations to legitimate military objectives as defined under international humanitarian law. Civilian infrastructure, power generation facilities, water treatment and desalination plants, hospitals, schools, residential buildings, and cultural heritage sites are not military objectives and must not be treated as such.

5. The use of cluster munitions against civilian and populated areas must cease immediately. Their deployment in residential zones constitutes an indiscriminate method of warfare prohibited under the Convention on Cluster Munitions and condemned under customary international humanitarian law.

6. The Iranian government must immediately restore internet and communications access across Iran. The ongoing blackout violates international human rights law, prevents civilians from accessing lifesaving information, and conceals potential atrocities from the world. No military rationale justifies a blanket communications shutdown of this scale and duration. We ask capable parties, including international internet providers and relevant technical bodies, to find solutions to restore access to the people inside Iran.

7. The United Nations Security Council should urgently convene, call for an immediate ceasefire, and demand the protection of all civilian infrastructure on all sides. We acknowledge the structural difficulty posed by the veto power of permanent members, but call on all members, including those holding the veto, to subordinate political and strategic interests to the Council's founding obligation to protect international peace and security.

8. The International Committee of the Red Cross and United Nations humanitarian agencies should be granted immediate, unimpeded access to civilian populations in Iran, in Israel, and across the Gulf region, including in Lebanon.

9. The international news media, civil society, and academic communities are urged to devote to the Iranian civilian population the attention that this crisis demands. Their situation has been systematically obscured by their own government's information blackout and inadequately covered by global news organisations. The Iranian people deserve to have their suffering documented, witnessed, and heard.

We do not write in the belief that any of the parties to this conflict will find these words convenient. We write because some things must be said regardless of convenience. The threat to destroy Iran's power plants and bridges was framed around the price of oil. The counter-threat to destroy the Gulf's desalination plants was framed around the survival of a government. In none of these framings do the lives of ordinary people appear to figure significantly. This is the common moral failure of all parties to this conflict, and it is why we address this petition to all of them.

The people of Iran, as the most active political actors in their country in the past decade, do not need further suppression through war. Many of them have been fighting their own government, at enormous cost, for years before the first bomb fell. The people of Israel shelter in reinforced rooms as ballistic missiles scatter cluster munitions across their cities. The people of the Gulf face threats to the water that sustains their lives. None of these people are abstractions. None of them are acceptable collateral.

We urge all parties to de-escalate immediately, to restrict hostilities to legitimate military targets, and to pursue a ceasefire as a matter of the utmost urgency. We urge the international community to hold all parties accountable to the law that they have, in better moments, committed themselves to uphold. The lives of all civilians in this region matter equally. We will not be persuaded otherwise.