Heavy Weapons Now! A Reply of Eastern Europe Experts to a Letter of German Intellectuals


Heavy Weapons Now! A Reply of Eastern Europe Experts to a Letter of German Intellectuals
The Issue
A Reply of Experts on Eastern Europe to the Open Letter of German Intellectuals titled "A Ceasefire Now!" published in Zeit Online on June 29, 2022
In June 2022, a group of well-known German professors, cultural figures, publicists, and an ex-diplomat published—first in the leading German intellectual weekly Die Zeit, and later in its web edition Zeit Online—a well-sounding text calling for a ceasefire in Ukraine. The concerned celebrities do not fail to brand Russia in general and its President Vladimir Putin in particular. However, they apparently consider a peace deal with Moscow to be unproblematic. Such ideas are not uncommon in Germany.
The piquant aspect of the German collective call for negotiations between Ukraine and Russia is that none of the signatories had previously been known for their interest in Russian-Ukrainian relations. It can be assumed that none of the signatories understands Ukrainian. One wonders how many of the callers are proficient in Russian and, if so, to what extent. This repeats the pattern of the infamous "Open Letter to Chancellor Scholz" by 28 German intellectuals and artists not very familiar with Eastern Europe in the feminist magazine Emma from April 29, 2022.
It is only to be welcomed when publicists and scholars outside the field of East European studies also speak out publicly on the region. However, since the call is about a war between Ukraine and Russia, the complete absence, in the group of signatories, of researchers on the Ukrainian or Russian polity, army, history, foreign policy, and culture is surprising. Why have several well-known professors signed but no prominent historians of Eastern Europe, no analysts of Russian politics, or Ukrainianists? Shouldn't those specialists who are, after decades of work on Ukraine and Russia, familiar with one or both of the countries, be the dominant authors of such an appeal for peace? Shouldn't German intellectuals with dozens if not hundreds of friends, colleagues and acquaintances (sometimes relatives) in the target region support this call for a ceasefire in large numbers? Why did the letter not come from a renowned German institute for East European studies, but instead from a group of randomly gathered intellectuals?
The underrepresentation of Russia and Ukraine expertise in the letter on the Russia-Ukraine war is no coincidence. The callers paint an incomplete picture of the course of the first four months of the war. For example, they write, "Ukraine has so far been able to defend itself against Russia's brutal war of aggression thanks in part to massive economic sanctions and military support from Europe and the United States."
However, these factors were of secondary importance until June 2022. Most of the heavy weaponry used by Kyiv for national defense until then was of Soviet or Ukrainian design. The indeed massive economic sanctions against Russia have so far had only a limited effect. They had not yet had any significant effect on Moscow's belligerence as of the publication date of the appeal.
The signatories of the open letter, like other commentators recently interested in the topic, seem to have the following or a similar scenario in mind for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict: The West should replace Ukraine's now largely depleted self-produced heavy weapons with Western equipment only on a limited basis, if at all. They believe that restricting military-technical assistance to Ukraine clears the way for productive negotiations with Russia, and that creeping disarmament of the Ukrainians would eventually lead to peace.
Few experts on Eastern Europe would agree to support such an approach to contain Russian imperialism. Anyone who has studied the post-Soviet space more intensively over the past 30 years knows how difficult it is to deal with Moscow's hegemonic claims. Only very few researchers, journalists, or activists who have studied the Kremlin's behavior in Moldova, the Caucasus, and Ukraine in recent decades would support such an approach.
Misjudging the nature of Putin's internal regime and foreign policy doctrine, the appeal—like other such letters—proposes the opposite of the measures needed to deter the Kremlin. The signatories apparently do not see enabling Ukraine to defend itself in the long term as a primary task. Instead, the group proposes to maintain the same restraint in containing Russian expansionism that the West has tried many times since 1991 in Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere. The letter's authors have little interest in post-Soviet contemporary history; they, therefore, offer the continuation of a Western policy toward Russia that has brought us to the present dilemma.
Nor are the letter authors aware of the ethical ambivalence of their undertaking. The signatories presumably know little about the Russian torture prison "Izoliatsiia", which has been operating in Donetsk for years. One can recommend for reading relevant reports by the United Nations and other international organizations, or German- and English-language translations of the autobiographical book Heller Weg (Light Path; Stuttgart, 2021) and The Torture Camp on Paradise Street (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, forthcoming in fall 2022) by former "Izoliatsiia" prisoner Stanislav Aseyev.
Disturbing is also that the Russian widespread abduction, deportation, mutilation, and murder of civilians on Ukraine's territory that has been occupied by Moscow as recently as 2022 is apparently secondary to the letter signatories. The plan proposed by the German dignitaries amounts to allowing Russia to continue this practice in large parts of Ukraine in perpetuity. The possibly genocidal implications of a tacitly welcomed Ukrainian cession of territory to Russia remain in the fog.
The signatories of the Zeit appeal entitled "A Ceasefire Now!" recommend for the West—as a Russian and Ukrainian proverb says—to step again on the same rake on which it has already stepped several times, that is, to give in—for the umpteenth time. What repeatedly has not worked before February 24, 2022, is now supposed to be the solution. This paradoxical thesis is given plausibility by the media presence and listed professorial titles of the signatories.
Signatories:
Vera Ammer, Advisory Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Berlin
Anders Åslund, Stockholm Free World Forum, Washington, DC
Martin Aust, Department of East European History, University of Bonn
Margarita Balmaceda, School of Diplomacy, Seton Hall University, South Orange, NJ
Fabian Baumann, Department of History, University of Chicago, IL
Marieluise Beck, Center for Liberal Modernity (LibMod), Berlin
Jan Claas Behrends, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt-Oder, Germany
Boris Belge, Department of History, University of Basel, Switzerland
Karel Berkhoff, NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Amsterdam
Florian Bieber, Center for Southeast European Studies, University of Graz, Austria
Uilleam Blacker, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, UCL, England
Tim Bohse, Human Rights Monitoring Eastern Ukraine, DRA assoc., Berlin
Thomas Bremer, Ecumenical Institute, Westphalian Wilhelm University of Münster
Karsten Brüggemann, Institute of History, University of Tallinn, Estonia
Franziska Davies, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Tatiana Dettmer, Management of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Cologne
Martin Dietze, German-Ukrainian Cultural Association assoc., Hamburg
Benno Ennker, formerly Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Sabine Erdmann-Kutnevic, Board of the “Memorial Deutschland” assoc., Berlin
Rory Finnin, Robinson College and University of Cambridge, England
Jörg Forbrig, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Berlin
Annette Freyberg-Inan, Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam
Ralf Fücks, Center for Liberal Modernity (LibMod), Berlin
Klaus Gestwa, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Angelos Giannakopoulos, Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine
Anke Giesen, Board of the “Memorial Deutschland” assoc., Berlin
Oliver Gnad, Bureau for Contemporary Affairs, Frankfurt am Main
Witold Gnauck, German-Polish Science Foundation, Frankfurt an der Oder
George G. Grabowicz, Slavic Department, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA
Gustav C. Gressel, European Council on Foreign Relations, Berlin
Rebecca Harms, former Parliamentary Assembly EURO-NEST, Wendland
Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, Center for Global Studies, University of Bonn
John-Paul Himka, formerly Department of History, University of Alberta, Canada
Christhardt Henschel, German Historical Institute (DHI) at Warsaw
Julia Herzberg, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Anke Hilbrenner, Institute for Historical Studies, University of Düsseldorf
Richard Herzinger, magazine The Ukrainian Week / Ukrainskyi tyzhden, Kyiv/Berlin
Helena Holzberger, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Mieste Hotopp-Riecke, Institute for Caucasica, Tatarica & Turkestan Studies, Magedburg
Hubertus F. Jahn, Clare College and University of Cambridge, England
Kerstin Susanne Jobst, Institute for East European History, University of Vienna
Andreas Kappeler, Institute for East European History, University of Vienna
Christian Kaunert, School of Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland
Sarah Kirchberger, Institute for Security Policy, Christian Albrecht University of Kiel
Maria Klassen, Research Center for Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Taras Kuzio, Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine
Manuel Leppert, Thuringian Archive for Contemporary History, Jena
John Lough, Russia & Eurasia Program, Chatham House, London
Leonid Luks, formerly ZIMOS, The Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt, Bavaria
Martin Malek, independent political scientist, Vienna
Georges Mink, European Interdisciplinary Studies Department, College of Europe, Natolin
Margareta Mommsen, formerly Scholl Institute, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Michael Moser, Institute for Slavic Studies, University of Vienna
Alexander J. Motyl, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark, NJ
Dietmar Neutatz, Department of History, Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg
Tanja Penter, Department of History, Ruprecht Karl University of Heidelberg
Andreas Petersen, Applied Sciences University of Northwest Switzerland, Brugg-Windisch
Hans-Christian Petersen, Institute of History, University of Oldenburg
Heiko Pleines, Research Center Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Nikolaj Plotnikov, Lotman Institute for Russian Culture, Ruhr University of Bochum
Detlev Preuße, formerly Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Hamburg
Waleria Radziejowska-Hahn, Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Cologne
Felix Riefer, Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Bonn
Maren Röger, Leibniz Institute for Culture and History of Eastern Europe, Leipzig
Stefan Rohdewald, Department of History, University of Leipzig
Malte Rolf, Department of East European History, University of Oldenburg
Per A. Rudling, Department of History, Lund University, Sweden
Gwendolyn Sasse, Center for East European and International Studies (ZOiS), Berlin
Sebastian Schäffer, Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe, Vienna
Susanne Schattenberg, Research Center for Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Frithjof Benjamin Schenk, Department of History, University of Basel, Switzerland
Ingrid Schierle, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Winfried Schneider-Deters, formerly Kyiv Office of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation
Dittmar Schorkowitz, Max Planck Institute for Ethnological Research, Halle
Dietmar Schulmeister, Country Association of Germans from Russia (LmDR), Düsseldorf
Martin Schulze Wessel, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Anton Shekhovtsov, Centre for Democratic Integrity, Vienna
Timothy D. Snyder, Department of History, Yale University, New Haven, CT
Susanne Spahn, freelance historian of Eastern Europe and political scientist, Berlin
Dmitri Stratievski, Management of the Eastern Europe Center (OEZB), Berlin
Kai Struve, Institute of History, Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg
Sergej Sumlenny, formerly Kyiv office of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Berlin
Ernst-Jörg von Studnitz, formerly German Embassy in Russia, Königswinter
Maximilian Terhalle, LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science
Stefan Troebst, Global and European Studies Institute, University of Leipzig
Frank Umbach, EUCERS/CASSIS, Rhine Friedrich Wilhelm University of Bonn
Andreas Umland (Initiator), Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
Ricarda Vulpius, Department of History, Westphalian Wilhelm University of Münster
Torben Waschke, Institute of Geography, Justus Liebig University of Giessen
Tobias Weihmann, non-governmental organization EUROMAIDAN PRESS, Kyiv
David-Emil Wickström, Pop Academy Baden-Wuerttemberg, Mannheim
Martina Winkler, Department of History, Christian Albrecht University of Kiel
Alexa von Winning, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Alexander Wöll, Institute of Slavic Studies, University of Potsdam
Susann Worschech, Institute for European Studies, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt-Oder
Kerstin Zimmer, Center for Conflict Research, Philipps University of Marburg
(The naming of the institutions in the list serves to identify the signatories and does not imply any support of the letter on the part of these institutions. The initiator of the letter is responsible for its contents.)
Source:
https://krytyka.com/en/articles/heavy-weapons-now
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362453903_Heavy_Weapons_Now_A_Reply_of_Experts_on_Eastern_Europe_to_the_Open_Letter_of_German_Intellectuals_titled_A_Ceasefire_Now_published_in_Zeit_Online_on_June_29_2022
Ukrainian version:
https://krytyka.com/ua/articles/vazhke-ozbroiennia-zaraz
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362426268_Vazke_ozbroenna_zaraz
Original German version:
https://www.focus.de/politik/ausland/ukraine-krise/96-osteuropa-experten-weltweit-fordern-schwere-waffen-jetzt_id_119428660.html
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362162668_Schwere_Waffen_jetzt_Replik_auf_Waffenstillstand_jetzt
Russian translation:
https://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/columns/2022/07/25/7360003/
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362347567_Tazeloe_oruzie_sejcas_Otvet_nemeckim_intellektualam

503
The Issue
A Reply of Experts on Eastern Europe to the Open Letter of German Intellectuals titled "A Ceasefire Now!" published in Zeit Online on June 29, 2022
In June 2022, a group of well-known German professors, cultural figures, publicists, and an ex-diplomat published—first in the leading German intellectual weekly Die Zeit, and later in its web edition Zeit Online—a well-sounding text calling for a ceasefire in Ukraine. The concerned celebrities do not fail to brand Russia in general and its President Vladimir Putin in particular. However, they apparently consider a peace deal with Moscow to be unproblematic. Such ideas are not uncommon in Germany.
The piquant aspect of the German collective call for negotiations between Ukraine and Russia is that none of the signatories had previously been known for their interest in Russian-Ukrainian relations. It can be assumed that none of the signatories understands Ukrainian. One wonders how many of the callers are proficient in Russian and, if so, to what extent. This repeats the pattern of the infamous "Open Letter to Chancellor Scholz" by 28 German intellectuals and artists not very familiar with Eastern Europe in the feminist magazine Emma from April 29, 2022.
It is only to be welcomed when publicists and scholars outside the field of East European studies also speak out publicly on the region. However, since the call is about a war between Ukraine and Russia, the complete absence, in the group of signatories, of researchers on the Ukrainian or Russian polity, army, history, foreign policy, and culture is surprising. Why have several well-known professors signed but no prominent historians of Eastern Europe, no analysts of Russian politics, or Ukrainianists? Shouldn't those specialists who are, after decades of work on Ukraine and Russia, familiar with one or both of the countries, be the dominant authors of such an appeal for peace? Shouldn't German intellectuals with dozens if not hundreds of friends, colleagues and acquaintances (sometimes relatives) in the target region support this call for a ceasefire in large numbers? Why did the letter not come from a renowned German institute for East European studies, but instead from a group of randomly gathered intellectuals?
The underrepresentation of Russia and Ukraine expertise in the letter on the Russia-Ukraine war is no coincidence. The callers paint an incomplete picture of the course of the first four months of the war. For example, they write, "Ukraine has so far been able to defend itself against Russia's brutal war of aggression thanks in part to massive economic sanctions and military support from Europe and the United States."
However, these factors were of secondary importance until June 2022. Most of the heavy weaponry used by Kyiv for national defense until then was of Soviet or Ukrainian design. The indeed massive economic sanctions against Russia have so far had only a limited effect. They had not yet had any significant effect on Moscow's belligerence as of the publication date of the appeal.
The signatories of the open letter, like other commentators recently interested in the topic, seem to have the following or a similar scenario in mind for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict: The West should replace Ukraine's now largely depleted self-produced heavy weapons with Western equipment only on a limited basis, if at all. They believe that restricting military-technical assistance to Ukraine clears the way for productive negotiations with Russia, and that creeping disarmament of the Ukrainians would eventually lead to peace.
Few experts on Eastern Europe would agree to support such an approach to contain Russian imperialism. Anyone who has studied the post-Soviet space more intensively over the past 30 years knows how difficult it is to deal with Moscow's hegemonic claims. Only very few researchers, journalists, or activists who have studied the Kremlin's behavior in Moldova, the Caucasus, and Ukraine in recent decades would support such an approach.
Misjudging the nature of Putin's internal regime and foreign policy doctrine, the appeal—like other such letters—proposes the opposite of the measures needed to deter the Kremlin. The signatories apparently do not see enabling Ukraine to defend itself in the long term as a primary task. Instead, the group proposes to maintain the same restraint in containing Russian expansionism that the West has tried many times since 1991 in Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere. The letter's authors have little interest in post-Soviet contemporary history; they, therefore, offer the continuation of a Western policy toward Russia that has brought us to the present dilemma.
Nor are the letter authors aware of the ethical ambivalence of their undertaking. The signatories presumably know little about the Russian torture prison "Izoliatsiia", which has been operating in Donetsk for years. One can recommend for reading relevant reports by the United Nations and other international organizations, or German- and English-language translations of the autobiographical book Heller Weg (Light Path; Stuttgart, 2021) and The Torture Camp on Paradise Street (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, forthcoming in fall 2022) by former "Izoliatsiia" prisoner Stanislav Aseyev.
Disturbing is also that the Russian widespread abduction, deportation, mutilation, and murder of civilians on Ukraine's territory that has been occupied by Moscow as recently as 2022 is apparently secondary to the letter signatories. The plan proposed by the German dignitaries amounts to allowing Russia to continue this practice in large parts of Ukraine in perpetuity. The possibly genocidal implications of a tacitly welcomed Ukrainian cession of territory to Russia remain in the fog.
The signatories of the Zeit appeal entitled "A Ceasefire Now!" recommend for the West—as a Russian and Ukrainian proverb says—to step again on the same rake on which it has already stepped several times, that is, to give in—for the umpteenth time. What repeatedly has not worked before February 24, 2022, is now supposed to be the solution. This paradoxical thesis is given plausibility by the media presence and listed professorial titles of the signatories.
Signatories:
Vera Ammer, Advisory Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Berlin
Anders Åslund, Stockholm Free World Forum, Washington, DC
Martin Aust, Department of East European History, University of Bonn
Margarita Balmaceda, School of Diplomacy, Seton Hall University, South Orange, NJ
Fabian Baumann, Department of History, University of Chicago, IL
Marieluise Beck, Center for Liberal Modernity (LibMod), Berlin
Jan Claas Behrends, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt-Oder, Germany
Boris Belge, Department of History, University of Basel, Switzerland
Karel Berkhoff, NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Amsterdam
Florian Bieber, Center for Southeast European Studies, University of Graz, Austria
Uilleam Blacker, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, UCL, England
Tim Bohse, Human Rights Monitoring Eastern Ukraine, DRA assoc., Berlin
Thomas Bremer, Ecumenical Institute, Westphalian Wilhelm University of Münster
Karsten Brüggemann, Institute of History, University of Tallinn, Estonia
Franziska Davies, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Tatiana Dettmer, Management of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Cologne
Martin Dietze, German-Ukrainian Cultural Association assoc., Hamburg
Benno Ennker, formerly Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Sabine Erdmann-Kutnevic, Board of the “Memorial Deutschland” assoc., Berlin
Rory Finnin, Robinson College and University of Cambridge, England
Jörg Forbrig, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Berlin
Annette Freyberg-Inan, Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam
Ralf Fücks, Center for Liberal Modernity (LibMod), Berlin
Klaus Gestwa, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Angelos Giannakopoulos, Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine
Anke Giesen, Board of the “Memorial Deutschland” assoc., Berlin
Oliver Gnad, Bureau for Contemporary Affairs, Frankfurt am Main
Witold Gnauck, German-Polish Science Foundation, Frankfurt an der Oder
George G. Grabowicz, Slavic Department, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA
Gustav C. Gressel, European Council on Foreign Relations, Berlin
Rebecca Harms, former Parliamentary Assembly EURO-NEST, Wendland
Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, Center for Global Studies, University of Bonn
John-Paul Himka, formerly Department of History, University of Alberta, Canada
Christhardt Henschel, German Historical Institute (DHI) at Warsaw
Julia Herzberg, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Anke Hilbrenner, Institute for Historical Studies, University of Düsseldorf
Richard Herzinger, magazine The Ukrainian Week / Ukrainskyi tyzhden, Kyiv/Berlin
Helena Holzberger, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Mieste Hotopp-Riecke, Institute for Caucasica, Tatarica & Turkestan Studies, Magedburg
Hubertus F. Jahn, Clare College and University of Cambridge, England
Kerstin Susanne Jobst, Institute for East European History, University of Vienna
Andreas Kappeler, Institute for East European History, University of Vienna
Christian Kaunert, School of Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland
Sarah Kirchberger, Institute for Security Policy, Christian Albrecht University of Kiel
Maria Klassen, Research Center for Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Taras Kuzio, Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine
Manuel Leppert, Thuringian Archive for Contemporary History, Jena
John Lough, Russia & Eurasia Program, Chatham House, London
Leonid Luks, formerly ZIMOS, The Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt, Bavaria
Martin Malek, independent political scientist, Vienna
Georges Mink, European Interdisciplinary Studies Department, College of Europe, Natolin
Margareta Mommsen, formerly Scholl Institute, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Michael Moser, Institute for Slavic Studies, University of Vienna
Alexander J. Motyl, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark, NJ
Dietmar Neutatz, Department of History, Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg
Tanja Penter, Department of History, Ruprecht Karl University of Heidelberg
Andreas Petersen, Applied Sciences University of Northwest Switzerland, Brugg-Windisch
Hans-Christian Petersen, Institute of History, University of Oldenburg
Heiko Pleines, Research Center Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Nikolaj Plotnikov, Lotman Institute for Russian Culture, Ruhr University of Bochum
Detlev Preuße, formerly Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Hamburg
Waleria Radziejowska-Hahn, Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Cologne
Felix Riefer, Board of the Lew Kopelew Forum assoc., Bonn
Maren Röger, Leibniz Institute for Culture and History of Eastern Europe, Leipzig
Stefan Rohdewald, Department of History, University of Leipzig
Malte Rolf, Department of East European History, University of Oldenburg
Per A. Rudling, Department of History, Lund University, Sweden
Gwendolyn Sasse, Center for East European and International Studies (ZOiS), Berlin
Sebastian Schäffer, Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe, Vienna
Susanne Schattenberg, Research Center for Eastern Europe, University of Bremen
Frithjof Benjamin Schenk, Department of History, University of Basel, Switzerland
Ingrid Schierle, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Winfried Schneider-Deters, formerly Kyiv Office of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation
Dittmar Schorkowitz, Max Planck Institute for Ethnological Research, Halle
Dietmar Schulmeister, Country Association of Germans from Russia (LmDR), Düsseldorf
Martin Schulze Wessel, Department of History, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Anton Shekhovtsov, Centre for Democratic Integrity, Vienna
Timothy D. Snyder, Department of History, Yale University, New Haven, CT
Susanne Spahn, freelance historian of Eastern Europe and political scientist, Berlin
Dmitri Stratievski, Management of the Eastern Europe Center (OEZB), Berlin
Kai Struve, Institute of History, Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg
Sergej Sumlenny, formerly Kyiv office of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Berlin
Ernst-Jörg von Studnitz, formerly German Embassy in Russia, Königswinter
Maximilian Terhalle, LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science
Stefan Troebst, Global and European Studies Institute, University of Leipzig
Frank Umbach, EUCERS/CASSIS, Rhine Friedrich Wilhelm University of Bonn
Andreas Umland (Initiator), Department of Political Science, Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
Ricarda Vulpius, Department of History, Westphalian Wilhelm University of Münster
Torben Waschke, Institute of Geography, Justus Liebig University of Giessen
Tobias Weihmann, non-governmental organization EUROMAIDAN PRESS, Kyiv
David-Emil Wickström, Pop Academy Baden-Wuerttemberg, Mannheim
Martina Winkler, Department of History, Christian Albrecht University of Kiel
Alexa von Winning, Institute of East European History & Regional Studies, University of Tübingen
Alexander Wöll, Institute of Slavic Studies, University of Potsdam
Susann Worschech, Institute for European Studies, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt-Oder
Kerstin Zimmer, Center for Conflict Research, Philipps University of Marburg
(The naming of the institutions in the list serves to identify the signatories and does not imply any support of the letter on the part of these institutions. The initiator of the letter is responsible for its contents.)
Source:
https://krytyka.com/en/articles/heavy-weapons-now
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362453903_Heavy_Weapons_Now_A_Reply_of_Experts_on_Eastern_Europe_to_the_Open_Letter_of_German_Intellectuals_titled_A_Ceasefire_Now_published_in_Zeit_Online_on_June_29_2022
Ukrainian version:
https://krytyka.com/ua/articles/vazhke-ozbroiennia-zaraz
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362426268_Vazke_ozbroenna_zaraz
Original German version:
https://www.focus.de/politik/ausland/ukraine-krise/96-osteuropa-experten-weltweit-fordern-schwere-waffen-jetzt_id_119428660.html
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362162668_Schwere_Waffen_jetzt_Replik_auf_Waffenstillstand_jetzt
Russian translation:
https://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/columns/2022/07/25/7360003/
PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362347567_Tazeloe_oruzie_sejcas_Otvet_nemeckim_intellektualam

503
Petition created on August 2, 2022